Iran's international influence
In the background of the ongoing war between Israel and Hamas there have been increasingly escalating tensions between the United States on one hand and a series of “Iranian proxies” on the other, chiefly the Ansar Allah party in Yemen (commonly known by the name of the group from which many of their members originate, the Houthi tribe). Without any context, it may seem confusing why Iranian backed groups strike Israel from Lebanon or American troops in Jordan, and it may seem illogical that striking back at Iran means bombing in Syria and Iraq. To understand why so many groups in so many countries can be described as “Iran-backed”, a pattern in Iranian foreign policy must be understood, one that brings both militant groups and entire regimes into an Iranian sphere of influence.
As both the United States and Iran’s
supporters are continuing to bomb each other, it is very important to
understand this pattern, both for policymakers and for the populations in the
western world who keep them in power. The tensions have sparked fears of a “regional
war” breaking out, and before the United States decides to launch a major
escalation, they should first know exactly what fighting Iran means, as should America’s
potential allies.
Iranian influence is most relevant in four
other countries: Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, and Yemen, while also being influential
in Bahrain and Palestine.[1] In
Syria and Iraq both the regime and major regime-friendly militias are aligned
to Iran, in Lebanon and Yemen Iran backs an armed group larger than the
national army, and in both Bahrain and Palestine Iran backs major opposition
forces. Overall this paints a picture of major Iranian presence in the Middle East.
Hamas has been described in multiple media
outlets as an Iranian backed group, the same term as has been used for
Hezbollah, for example. This implies a greater degree of integration between
Hamas and Iran than really exists (at least, greater than can be proven). Hezbollah
is a major militia in south Lebanon that is by some reports larger than the
Lebanese army. The group has always been dependent on both Iranian material and
ideological support, and their founding document cites the grand Ayatollah in
Iran as the organization’s supreme leader.[2] Hamas,
on the other hand, has mostly received armed support from Iran, while a closer
political relationship is still a hypothetical.[3]
Iranian ties with such armed groups are
maintained and formed primarily by the Iranian Quds (Jerusalem) force, the
foreign relations/special forces branch of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard
Corps (IRGC). The main Iranian method of militarily backing their proxies is by
supplying them with rockets.[4] Hamas’
rocket arsenal is mostly made up of domestically produced and Iranian designed
weapons, with a small addition of more advanced Iranian-made rockets.[5]
The Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Houthis in
Yemen and some smaller militias in Syria and Iraq are already engaged in
small-scale warfare with Israel and the US. The Hezbollah has exchanged fire
across the Israeli-Lebanese border, risking an escalation of the war into
Lebanon.[6] The
Houthis in Yemen have attacked international shipping in the Red Sea, disrupting
global trade.[7]
Lastly, Iranian-backed groups in Iraq and Syria have been launching strikes at
US military bases in Syria, Iraq, and Jordan.[8] This
shows a wider picture of an already active armed conflict between the US and
allies versus Iran with allies.
The groups already fighting the US would
not be the greatest threat in case of a regional war breaking out. Iranian
influence in Syria amounts to both a close strategic alliance with the regime
and a myriad of pro-government militias that are more reliant on Iran than they
are on Assad’s regime.[9]
Similarly, Iran has both immense influence with Iraqi government and militias.[10] As
in Lebanon, the governments of Iraq and Syria may see themselves forced to
respond to the threats against their sovereignty that attacks against
Iranian-backed groups may bring. Unlike Lebanon, both Syria and Iraq may be
more willing to do so.
While still being influential all over the Middle
East, Iran is less unpopular with other countries than was the case a few years
ago. Importantly, Iran’s major regional rival, Saudi Arabia, has been normalizing
relations with Iran under Chinese mediation, with a non-aggression pact on the
table.[11] This
normalization has already had significant effects, with the civil war in Yemen having
reached what may be its final ceasefire agreement,[12] which
is only possible because the two main sponsors of the war are committed to
ending it.[13]
During the Persian gulf crisis of 2019-2020 there was open speculation of a war
between Saudi-Arabia and Iran.[14] Without
Saudi-Arabia opposing Iran, the US military could stand without any major regional
allies in the feared “regional war”.
The Middle East is going through a
precarious time, and with growing violence it’s not easy to say exactly where
it will end, without either side necessarily wanting an escalation. Iran’s
deceptively wide network of allied organizations both makes it hard to restrict
the conflict in scope and makes the prospects of an all-out war much more severe.
In such a situation it is very important for politicians, strategists, and
voters to know what is going on.
[4] https://www.rferl.org/a/iran-building-weapons-missile-factories-syria-lebanon-israeli-media-reports/28679098.html
[6] https://english.aawsat.com/home/article/1875151/lebanon-vows-defend-itself-%E2%80%98-any-means%E2%80%99-after-israeli-drone-attack
[7] https://www.thebanker.com/What-will-be-the-impact-of-the-Red-Sea-attacks-on-the-global-economy-1706518521
[8] https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/iran-backed-attacks-us-troops-middle-east-since-oct-7-2024-01-28/
[9] https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/menasource/factbox-iranian-influence-and-presence-in-syria/
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